Monday 7 September 2009

FATWA...



FATWA …

In 1975 a group of human rights activists from Belgium visited the notorious Evin prison in Tehran. Their mission was to investigate the alleged cases of torture by the Iranian security forces. Amongst the inmates there was a middle aged cleric who was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment for acting against the national security and helping the Islamic movement. The main question asked by the group was whether there was any mistreatment or torture experienced by the prisoners. In the presence of the prison guards and the security servicemen the majority of the detainees kept silent or denied any torture. However, when the middle aged cleric was asked the same question, he replied in English “I can not answer this question.” The response was short, simple but subtle. After 35 years Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri is still outspoken and the main critic of the Islamic Republic’s domestic and foreign policy. In 1997 after openly criticizing the authority of the Supreme Leader he was placed under house arrest for five years. The growing concerns about his health and the pressure from national and international scholars finally forced the regime to lift the ban.

Monatazeri’s approach towards Islam as a senior theologian with many supporters across the country is based on an understanding of Islam as a religion which can be part of people’s daily life in 21st century. This approach is far from hostility and animosity towards other religions, races and nations. He, for example issued a statement in support of the Baha’is who lives in Iran; “they are the citizens of this country; they have the right of citizenship and live in this country. Furthermore, they must benefit from the Islamic compassion which is stressed in Quran and by the religious authorities.”

During the last four years Montazeri has openly decried Ahmadinejad’s government and its performance regarding the economy, public spending and especially human rights. On 25th of August his theological opinion was sought about the importance of public acceptance in the credibility and legitimacy of the person who rules the Islamic nation (The Supreme Leader). Montazeri’s response was crystal clear; He said that people’s desire to choose their leaders is prominent in Islam. He also said even the prophet and his direct descendents never governed the nation unless they had the full support of their people. In his latest public statement in response to the letter written by 293 of the Iranian intellectuals, he condemned the mistreatment of the detained demonstrators. He strongly demanded the immediate release of all political prisoners and urged the authorities to stop the show trials and forced confessions. Moreover, for the first time since the revolution he addressed a very critical issue when he asked the authorities to have the courage to say that this regime neither is Islamic nor a Republic. The salient point in his argument is that the sequence of the post-election events mirrors a totalitarian regime which treats the majority of its people as second-class citizens. People are systematically prosecuted if they call the government into question about the credibility of the election. The post-election detainees are paraded inside the court room in front of the camera in order to be humiliated and then forced to admit their so called treacherous intentions to topple the regime. This government’s “portfolio” certainly does not remind anyone of an Islamic or Republic government let alone the Grand Ayatollah who is rightly one of the founders of this regime.

During the last two weeks the increasing presence of Grand Ayatollah Montazeri as well as the hunger of the people to seek his advice indicates a significant point which is the desire for a leader. Giving the gravity of the situation, a heavy weight religious leader like Montazeri could not only mobilize and motivate all the opposition groups but could also raise the stakes for the government. His final word as a Fatwa in order to oppose the regime in anyway could endanger the very existence of the Iranian government. Whether or when the ayatollah decides to use his discretion remains to be seen.

Shahin M

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